Nazis nutzen demokratische Errungenschaften, um diese abzuschaffen. Die einzig logische Schlussfolgerung für mich: Nazis haben keinen Anspruch auf demokratische Grundrechte.
...#Marx gab Anfang Dezember 1845 die #preußische Staatsbürgerschaft auf und wurde #staatenlos, nachdem er erfahren hatte, dass die preußische Regierung vom #belgischen Staat seine Ausweisung erwirken wollte. Spätere Gesuche, seine #Staatsbürgerschaft wiederherzustellen (1848 und 1861), blieben erfolglos."
May 5, 1818, birthday of German philosopher Karl #Marx. His thoughts on #economy & #society may be well known, but Marx was actually also interested in #geology & copied some geological drawings for personal use - like the basalt cliffs of Staffa, Scotland ⚒️☭
Heute #onthisday 1818 wurde Karl #Marx geboren. Er war ein bedeutender #Ökonom des 19. Jahrhunderts, wird aber leider immer noch ideologisiert. Empfehle daher dringend, auch Ökonominnen des 21. Jhts. wie Elinor #Ostrom, Maja #Göpel u.a. zu lesen. 📖
Habe übrigens die wundervolle Nachricht erhalten, dass meine #Marx-kritischen Postings hier auf #Mastodon per Screenshot auf Konzernmedien wie X und #BlueSky geteilt würden. Von empörten Marxisten in den Medien vom Klassenfeind! 🤣🙏📚
Viele liebe Menschen klammern sich noch immer an #Marx und dessen fossilen #Sozialismus oder an eine marktradikale Lesart von #Smith.
Dabei hat die #Wirtschaftswissenschaft doch nicht im 19. Jahrhundert geendet und faszinierende Forscherinnen & Forscher hervorgebracht. Für das Überleben der #Klimakatastrophe und #Wasserkrise sowie den #Solarpunk empfehle ich Elinor #Ostrom - die erste Frau, die 1 sog. Wirtschaftsnobelpreis erhielt.
@BlumeEvolution
Vielleicht kommt bei dir irgendwann doch noch an, das es nichts mit Rückwärtsgewandtheit und Klammern am Scheitern erster Experimente zu tun hat, wenn man versucht vorsichtig darauf hinzuweisen, dass "Das Kapital" von #Marx die wissenschaftlich profundeste Analyse des #Kapitalismus ist... ;-) #wegduck
I often get criticized for ideological inconsistency by mixing #liberal and socialist values in my posts.
I often cite #Voltaire, #Hayek, #Popper and other fathers of the liberal movement when it comes to civic rights, freedom of speech and expression, and defense against conservatism, totalitarism and dogma.
And I often use the language of #Marx, #Gramsci and Rosa Luxemburg when I talk about inequality and class struggle, capitalism, common resources, common access to the means of production and workers alienation.
But the more I think about it, the more I start to actually see them as complementary sides of the same coin.
It actually makes perfectly sense to me to be strongly liberal when it comes to individual freedoms, and strongly socialist when it comes to regulating the market.
You can’t have individual freedoms and universal rights in an economic system that is prone to unregulated exploitation and formation of oligopolies that no longer obey to the rules of an open and competitive market.
And you can’t have a fair and sustainable economic system without freedom of expression, freedom of growth and enterprise and equal opportunities.
Liberalism without a socialist core is the post-1970s neoliberal degeneration advocated by Friedman, Reagan and Thatcher. It’s cynical capitalism on steroids/cocaine, it’s assured enshittification and establishment of rent-seeking behaviour perpetrated by an unaccountable handful of oligopolies who only respond to their shareholders.
And socialism without a liberal core is the Soviet-like degeneration that the world has experienced throughout the 20th century.
And I wish that such a liberal/socialist doctrine had more political representation out there, instead of being embodied by political forces that are often in mutual exclusion with one another.
#Marx#Marxism#CriticalTheory#PoliticalEconomy#Capitalism: "Ultimately, Bonefeld masterfully interweaves the best of critical theory, placing the critique of the capitalist form of wealth at its heart. In doing so, he has succeeded in producing a book that is sure to illuminate and provoke in equal measure. Some readers may be left despairing having had their hopes shattered. Such an outcome, though, may not be so bad. Bonefeld’s critical theory, much like Adorno’s, does not shy away from despair. The power of critical theory in its despairing mode lies in its evocation of the necessity for another world. One must recognise just how bad things are to pull the handbrake. Perhaps here we should invert the oft-quoted Raymond Williams’ line. To be truly radical is to make despair possible rather than false hopes convincing. In this, Bonefeld has surely succeeded." https://marxandphilosophy.org.uk/reviews/21476_a-critical-theory-of-economic-compulsion-wealth-suffering-negation-by-werner-bonefeld-reviewed-by-ross-sparkes/
#Marx#Marxism#Spinoza#Philosophy#WageSlavery#Work: "WILL LEWALLEN: You write that most resistance to work is often focused on the specific conditions of employment rather than the general conditions of wage labor. How could something like a four-day workweek help tackle these more universal conditions? And more broadly, what would the effect of a shorter working week be on the political imaginary?
JASON READ: That’s an important question. I think reducing work time would necessarily have the positive impact of creating new ways for people to think about their identities and place in the world other than through work. One of the things you have to take seriously about people’s investment in work, given that they are working so much, is that their free time is usually dedicated to what Marx calls the basic “animal functions” of sleeping, eating, etc. You create a sense in which people go to work because their friends are there; everything they understand about sociality comes from work. The more people work, the more they will begin to identify with work.
So reducing the working week or working days would free people from this cycle. If people have time to do something other than buy groceries and do their laundry just to return to work the next day, they can produce another sense of themselves outside the confines of work. Imagination functions like a wedge, a small point of entry for another way of thinking; if acted upon, it can then push for more. For example, the reduced workweek would give people more time to engage in politics, to demand less work still. One thing that limits political possibilities is work itself." https://jacobin.com/2024/04/marx-spinoza-four-day-workweek
Passando aqui pra recomendar um react do Gaiofato ao DOC do MBL: "Comunismo de Marx | Episódio 1 - História do comunismo"
Tá bom esse vídeo mesmo, ñ é react zueira, é "react técnico" até me ajudou a aprofundar meu entendimento na filosofia hegeliana e do materialismo do Marx, enfim, recomendo bastante:
Today in Labor History March 25, 1811: Oxford University expelled Percy Bysshe Shelley for publishing the pamphlet The Necessity of Atheism. Shelley was an English Romantic poet, radical in both his art and his politics. His poem "The Mask of Anarchy," which he wrote in 1819 after the Peterloo Massacre, is one of the first modern descriptions of nonviolent resistance. His admirers included Karl Marx, Gandhi and George Bernard Shaw. He was married to Mary Shelley, author of “Frankenstein.”
#Marx#Ecology#ClimateChange#Environment#Capitalism: "This direct association made by Marx between the exploitation of the proletariat and the exploitation of the soil is a good starting point for thinking about the link between class struggle and the struggle to defend the environment, in a common struggle against the domination of capital.
After the exhaustion of the soil, the other example of ecological catastrophe frequently mentioned by Marx and Engels is the destruction of forests. It appears several times in Capital:
The development of civilisation and of industry in general has always shown itself so active in the destruction of forests that everything that has been done for their conservation and production is completely insignificant in comparison.[7]
#Gramsci#Marx#Marxism#Communism#Italy: "Originally published in Italian in 1996, on the cusp of the 60th anniversary of Gramsci’s death, this recently republished work is still timely and necessary. Without a doubt, Gramsci Contested is a great contribution to furthering Gramscian thought for future activists and scholars. Since the point at which the book ends in 2012, there have been many more books creatively using Gramsci’s ideas in order to write history and theory, from Sara Salem’s Anticolonial Afterlives in Egypt to Massimo Modonesi’s and Diana Fuentes’ Gramsci en México – both of which are forging new grounds for the study of Gramsci in both English and Spanish.
#Marx#Hegel#Philosophy: "This collection of Arndt’s recent essays is above all a settling of accounts, a righting of wrongs, namely a widespread but ultimately mistaken set of assumptions about how Marx and Hegel relate to one another. The most persistent myth or legend is that Marx ‘turned Hegel, who is standing on his head, the right way up’ and ‘extracted a rational (i.e. materialist) kernel from the mystical shell’ of his philosophy. Both of these common beliefs, Arndt argues, are erroneous: they miss the subtleties and complexities of the Hegel-Marx relationship. As Arndt jokes in a recent interview about the book, ‘Hegel already walks very well on his feet.’" https://marxandphilosophy.org.uk/reviews/21427_hegel-in-marx-studien-zur-dialektischen-kritik-und-zur-theorie-der-befreiung-by-andreas-arndt-reviewed-by-adrian-wilding/
#Marx#Marxism#Capitalism#Ecology: "I think that the ‘original Marxian message’ – the theory of revolution as the self-emancipation of the oppressed – is still relevant today. The fall of the Wall confirmed Marx’s intuition: it is impossible to ‘build socialism’ without the working people (or against them), without a genuine revolutionary democracy – of which the Paris Commune gave the first historic example.
However, I believe that this 19th-century Marxian heritage must be complemented by the contributions of 20th-century Marxists: Marxism is a thought in motion, which did not stop with the death of Marx and Engels. It is also an open form of thought, capable of integrating (critically) the contributions of other revolutionary currents: utopian socialisms and feminisms, libertarian socialisms and romantic socialisms (William Morris, Charles Péguy, Georges Sorel, Bernard Lazare, Gustav Landauer), as well as the contributions of the human sciences, from Max Weber to Sigmund Freud, to cite two obvious examples.
A word on the ecological question. It is present in Marx’s writings, as the work of John Bellamy Foster, Paul Burkett and Kohei Saito has shown, especially from the 1860s onwards. But it occupies only a marginal place, which is easily explained by the fact that the ecological crisis was not in his time, as it is today, a decisive social and political issue. The Marxism of the 21st century can only be an eco-Marxism, in other words, a theory that places the question of the destruction of ecosystems and climate change at the centre of the debate on capitalism and the socialist alternative."
#Capitalism#Marx#Marxism#BigTech#Technofeudalism#Feudalism: "In Technofeudalism, you argue capitalism has brought about its own demise, but not in the way that, say, Marx would have expected. Capitalism has its own contradictions — most fundamentally in the antagonism between capital and labor — and yet those contradictions seem to have produced a mutation that is perhaps worse than anyone might’ve expected. So how did capitalism kill itself and what is replacing it?
YANIS VAROUFAKIS
This book falls squarely within the Marxist political-economic tradition. I wrote it as a piece of Marxist scholarship. So, from my Marxist perspective, this is a tragic book to have to write.
The contradictions of capitalism didn’t lead to the anticipated resolution where, after all these centuries of class stratification, society would be distilled into two classes, poised for a high-noon clash. This decisive confrontation between oppressor and oppressed would result in the liberation of humanity — the emancipation of humanity from all class conflict. Instead of that, however, this clash between the capitalist — the bourgeoisie — and the proletariat ended up in the complete victory of the bourgeoisie: a complete loss after 1991, especially.
In the absence of a competitor in the form of trade unions — the organized working class — capitalism went into a rampant dynamic evolution that caused this mutation into what I call cloud capital. This transformation effectively marked the end of traditional capitalism. It killed capitalism — a development that embodies a Marxist-Hegelian contradiction, but not the kind of contradiction we would have hoped for.
Cloud capital has killed off markets and replaced them with a kind of a digital fiefdom where not just proletarians — the precarious — but bourgeois people and vassal capitalists are all producing surplus value for the vassal capitalists. They are producing rents."
Jenny #Marx, heute 1814 als Adlige geboren, organisiert das Geschäft ihres Gatten Karl, eines politisch verfolgten Gesellschaftstheoretikers. Sie bringt sein Werk voran, unterstützt die sozialistische Bewegung, flüchtet mit ihm nach Paris, Brüssel, London, bringt 7 Kinder zur Welt — und gibt nie auf. Ein Leben wie eine Achterbahnfahrt, bei dem sie stets unterm öffentlichen Radar läuft: https://dietzberlin.de/produkt/jenny-marx-die-biographie
Today in Labor History February 10, 1794: The French revolutionist Jacques Roux (1752-1794) committed suicide on this date in his Paris prison cell after the Committee for Public Safety arrested him during the French Revolution. Also known as the "Red Priest," Roux denounced those monopolizing the revolution, the speculator, the merchant, government and the parliamentary state. Roux anticipated many of the themes that Karl Marx would later develop. Roux’s rhetoric inspired food riots during his day and discord in the Paris Commune, 80 years later.
#Anarchism#Philosophy#Communism#Marx#Marxism: "Stirner advocated the self-liberation of the individual from fixed dogmas and sacred conventions through combining with others in voluntary associations to accomplish what no one could do on their own: be free. For Stirner, the struggle to live one’s own life free from the domination of others requires starting from oneself, from one’s own needs and desires, and building from there. No more fighting for God’s cause, the nation’s cause, the people’s cause — but for oneself, one’s own cause. This cause is not reducible to maximizing utility, acquiring wealth, or seeking pleasure — rather, it names a multiplicity of incommensurable ends that each individual pursues throughout their changing life, sometimes failing, sometimes reaching, always striving anew. To fulfil such ends is impossible on one’s own, thus egoism, as Engels once noted, immediately turns into communism, for one cannot appropriate one’s own life without the power that comes from fighting with others in common, for ourselves, joyfully and in solidarity. This insight, lost and found throughout the ages, finds apt expression in this short, optimistic piece by Hermann Duncker, originally published in Sozialistische Monatshefte in July 1897 and here translated into English for the first time."
« Philosophe, économiste et journaliste, l'œuvre dense de Karl #Marx suscite des interrogations contemporaines. Comment appréhender ses écrits aujourd'hui, notamment le "#Capital" ? Quelle pertinence pour l'"idéologie" actuelle et quelle définition précise du #marxisme retenir ? »
Alastair Macintyre and Bernard Williams - top notch writers when it comes to ethics
#MoralPhilosophy#Ethics#Liberalism#Morality#Marx#Marxism#Localism: "MacIntyre once believed that Marxism offered a solution, but by the time he wrote After Virtue he thought that it was ‘exhausted as a political tradition’, even if it remained ‘one of the richest sources of ideas about modern society’. The familiar liberal explanations of its failure missed the point, however: the problem with political Marxism isn’t that it is dogmatic, scientistic, authoritarian or economistic, but that it is ‘deeply optimistic’. This is a typical MacIntyre moment: simple, surprising and – when you come to think about it – completely true. If there is a single thread running through the works of Marx, it is that the evils of capitalism, terrible as they are, will soon be outweighed by its double legacy: on the one hand the enormous wealth generated by modern industry, and on the other an international proletariat with the strength and wisdom to put it to good use. But Marx’s optimism proved to be ill-founded. The proletariat did not live up to expectations, leaving latter-day Marxists scrambling to find alternative superheroes. Hence, according to MacIntyre, the multitudes of ‘conflicting ... political allegiances which now carry Marxist banners’, all expressing a well-founded hatred of capitalism but none offering a ‘tolerable alternative’. The resulting ‘exhaustion’ had spread from Marxism to ‘every other political tradition’, plunging the world into a ‘new dark ages’, darker than ever before. (‘This time ... the barbarians are not waiting beyond the frontiers,’ MacIntyre wrote, ‘they have already been governing us for quite some time.’) The only chance of building a better world, he concluded, was to abandon politics and concentrate on ‘the construction of local forms of community within which civility and the intellectual and moral life can be sustained’."